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Trade Representative shows that in , the U. However, looking at U.

US-EU economies are already struggling

These figures included both goods and services. For its part, the EU's trade chief Cecilia Malmstrom has said they would rather not be in this position of introducing levies, but would do so if the U. Since then, every time the U. Furthermore, both the U. Both economies are slowing down, and the cyclical effect of the tariffs is likely to be pretty strong," he added.

Global power is shifting to Asia – and Europe must adapt to that

Data out at the end of July showed the euro zone — the member region that shares the euro — growing at a rate of just 0. This was down from a rate of 0. As a result, the European Central Bank ECB , which oversees monetary policy in the region, is set to announce further stimulus after the summer.

In the U. Federal Reserve announced in July its first rate cut in more than a decade. Rather, most of the member states have to earn trust.

Europe Poll of Polls - POLITICO

In this respect it is unfortunate that the Eurobarometer does not ask questions regarding trust Europeans have in each other. Due to its EU focus, the Eurobarometer hinders an understanding of national developments as far as trust is concerned. It should include — politically sensitive — questions on mutual trust. In view of this drop in trust in the EU, the continuous support for membership is a paradox. Support for membership has remained fairly stable, i. One of the core pillars of the EU, the free movement of people, is supported by almost 80 per cent of the European citizens.

Moreover, 7 out of 10 Europeans back the establishment of a common migration policy, while a common foreign, defence and security policy is strongly supported as well. The EU can credibly deliver the message of offering security and stability.

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However, the figures as regards support for deeper integration must be qualified. Thus support for social policy dropped considerably in our own questionnaire when asked whether people would be willing to pay a solidarity fee and to transfer powers to the Commission.

The relevance of the Eurobarometer is seriously compromised because in its questionnaires the institutional and economic costs are ignored. Such difference as to trust in European integration is visible in the statements from Southern and Northern EU countries. Yet, differences in the EU run deeper. Northern member states like Germany and the Netherlands have a rule-based political culture and expect the EU Commission to operate as a neutral supervisor of agreements.

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Overly ambitious projects like enlargement and monetary integration have made the widely different expectations and preferences of member states more pronounced so that major European compromises risk involving substantial welfare losses for all. This analysis leads to a number of conclusions regarding trust in and support for the EU. First, the idea that EU support can be strengthened at the EU level disregards the fact that proper diagnoses are absent of why, and at what level, trust has been lacking.

The EU is supported in many ways, but hesitations concerning European integration are probably strongly linked to the weakness of a range of member states and to the resulting lack of mutual trust between members.

Goals and values of the EU

The starting point for regaining trust seems to lie primarily at the level of the member states, not at the EU level. Secondly, in light of the strong EU bias in diagnoses and solutions, suggestions for deeper integration, such as also included in the Bratislava agenda, have to be handled with care. Moreover, pleas for deeper integration are usually not matched by assessments of whether people will also accept the financial and institutional consequences.

This relates to the third conclusion, i.


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Europe as the Would-Be World Power: The EU at Fifty

Foreign Policy. Trending U. In This Review. Cambridge University Press, , pp.